Dugin is a creature of the same decade. He emerged from fringe politics, most notably as a founding member of the National Bolshevik Party, political provocateurs who combined communist and fascist symbolism with a fair dose of anti-Western sentiment. There are differing opinions about his relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin now, although the ultranationalist’s teachings were in line with Putin’s expansionism, and Dugin is a vocal supporter of Russia’s war in Ukraine.
But today’s Russia is very different from the banditry of the 1990s. Putin’s rise on New Year’s Eve 1999 ushered in a new social contract: Russia would see an end to its criminal lawlessness, and in return, Russians would adopt a form of authoritarian rule. In Russia, it was no longer bandits who ruled, but Putin’s special services. This did not mean that the assassinations were no longer part of the Russian political landscape, but that they tended to be carried out against those who challenged Putin’s authority.
Regardless of who is behind this assassination, or who was the real target of Dugin or her father, the explosion could mean a change in the pattern of contemporary political assassinations in Russia.
During the two decades of Putin’s rule, many of his most prominent opponents have been killed by violent death.
In 2015, Russian society was shocked by the assassination of politician Boris Nemtsov. A politician who openly criticizes Putin’s involvement in the Donbas war has been shot dead in front of the Kremlin.
While we do not know who was behind this attack, it is certain that the Russian government will find a way to capitalize on it.
The Kremlin has already seized on Dugina’s murder to lay the blame on an external enemy, Ukraine, and the FSB on Monday said it had uncovered Dugina’s case and blamed Ukrainian intelligence services for involvement, state media TASS reported.